Memory and the Politics of Forgetting

In Mexico, memory is restricted to arched building of the Museo de la Revolución and to the portraits and exhibits that this and other frozen representations express and transmit. For movements of the izquierda, these are the only symbolisms of revolution and resistance available as platforms for more contemporary social protest, whether it be established as the beginning of a student protest like that of #YoSoy132 or an encampment of teachers protesting educational reforms.

I’ve always been intrigued by memory in all of its manifestations and relationships. Throughout my experience as a student of Mexican politics and culture, living in Mexico and working for an organization centered around journalism and policy, I have become slowly but steadily fascinated with understanding memory as movement, as protest and resistance. This fascination is also a product of my own nostalgia and affinity for social justice. As the daughter of the undocumented migrant transborder experience – the reality of the mexican barrios in Los Angeles and Mexico – and the social science researcher I have recently become, I am committed to listening to and recuperating the testimony and voices of the oppressed. I think these voices have much to attest to, to tell us about what we have been forced to forget and therefore must recognize, to remind us of the histories that allow us to view realities with more clarity and with a stronger sense of the continuities of political repression. Although this recuperation is an important part of the struggles for justice, love and dignity, it is also important to understand why these experience have been silenced by the official political powers that be with the help of those with the social responsibility to inform our communities. I think, to understand memory – how it is generated, made digestible and catalogued – is to understand how communities understand contemporary political and social realities. In order to understand this, we must examine the role of media in society, and the interests that interfere with the way we understand what happens in our world.

Media controls and manipulates reality – by determining what is written about certain political and social moments of note, by determining what gets shared with the public, and by determining whose perspective is reflected among the newspapers’ pages, newsrooms, magazines, blogs, and social media outlets. It so happens that the most influential and followed media sources are the big names with the reputation of promoting the official political ideologies, interests and agendas. In Mexico, mainstream media outlets have and continue to promote the perspective of the Partido Revolucionario Institutcional – from the lack of coverage and manipulation of the facts of the student massacre in La Plaza de las Tres Culturas in October 2, 1968 to their support and reluctance to elude to the corrupt presidential elections and lack of transparency around Enrique Peña Nieto’s political campaign of 2012. If the media, as is documented in media studies literature, is responsible for developing the “first draft of memory”, what then are the implications of a skewed coverage of political and social realities on not only the public’s understanding of what goes on in their local, national, and international communities but also the ways in which they remember their past?

In response to the ways in which memory is usurped and manipulated by the political apparatus and its extensions in the media – in other words, as an organic creative production of survival, life, and dignity – there do exist groups and communities that create and nurture the silenced and ignored testimonies of alternative histories, of oppressed and ignored perspectives of history. In Mexico, these communities can be found in the caracoles of Zapatista territory who, since 1994, perturbed the world that negated to acknowledge the five hundred year long oppression of indigenous communities. It began a una guerra contra el olvido, war against forgetting. These communities can be found in the restlessness of youth of all classes and of all backgrounds who were born into a country dominated by neoliberal economics and corrupt political practices. The corruption of the PRI, as knowledge transmitted to these youth communities by their parents and testimonies of older generations, only add to this shared anxiety. These inquietudes have recently became articulation through the #YoSoy132 movement in the second half of 2012. These are only a few examples of movements and flows to create consciousness of experiences yet to be validated by the official political apparatus. They teach us through example that we mustn’t wait for it to recognize how it has systematically oppressed so many communities.

We must pay attention to memory and to the recognition of experiences of oppression and how the media isn’t interested in this reivindicación as we are. We must take responsibility as local, national, translocal, transborder communities. ¿Quién lo ha hecho? What can we learn from memory? What can we teach ourselves and others with what we are only now choosing to remember. Este trabajo nos queda a nosotrxs. Yo escribiré, I will write and share and attempt to bring together these memories and make them platforms for not only symbolic transcendence but opportunities to change the way we look at ourselves in the present and to determine what we want to create for ourselves in the future.

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bbautistanidia

Soy mujer que escribe, mujer que ama. Viviendo entre México, D.F. y Los Ángeles, California, soy perpetuamente una mujer y amante transfronterista. Soy la mujer que vive y piensa y algún día, como escribió Giocondo Belli, mis ojos encenderán luciérnagas.

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